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Has China’s presence in the South China Sea exacerbated tensions with its smaller neighbours?

on Tuesday, September 10, 2019 | 0 comments | Leave a comment...

Bill Hayton
This piece is part of an ongoing series on China’s role in the world

Right now, China and its southern neighbours are fighting a regional sea-battle with global implications. At stake is a cornerstone of the international rules-based system: should states respect the treaties they have signed or use force to get their way? Currently caught in the middle are several major European companies.
Since May, Chinese government ships have been attempting to coerce Vietnam and Malaysia into agreeing ‘joint development’ of their offshore oil and gas resources. To this end, Beijing has deployed large numbers of vessels from its coastguard and maritime militia. They have harassed drilling rigs, obstructed their support ships and tried to block off large areas of sea. Vietnamese sources say China sent an H-6K strategic bomber and Y-8X maritime patrol aircraft on low-level passes over a Japanese-owned oilrig operating nearby.
These operations, and others like them, have affected the operations of companies including Shell of the UK/Netherlands and Repsol of Spain. They have implications for many other energy companies, too, as well as for the energy and fiscal security of Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines.
When pressed to justify his country’s behaviour at the China-ASEAN summit meeting in July, the Chinese foreign minister claimed that the areas where the confrontations were taking place were ‘disputed’ between China and the other countries. In other words, he was arguing that China had at least as much right to the resources there as Vietnam or Malaysia. However, like so many Chinese officials before him, Wang Yi was unable to provide any details of the exact basis of China’s claim. On 19 August, when asked about the latest clashes, a Foreign Ministry spokesman in Beijing stated that China has, “sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the relevant waters” but failed to spell out the meaning of ‘relevant’.

China’s idea of joint development is that it would gain the right to extract a share of its Southeast Asian neighbours’ maritime resources regardless of international law. These kinds of disputes were supposed to have been consigned to history by the agreement of the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982. To simplify things a little, UNCLOS gives each coastal country exclusive rights over the fish swimming in the sea and the minerals under the seabed up to a distance of 200 nautical miles (about 400km) from their coastline. This area is called an Exclusive Economic Zone or EEZ. China ratified UNCLOS in 1996 and is therefore bound by its rules.
Since China’s mainland coast is well over 1,000km from the areas in dispute, this cannot be the basis of its claim. The only legal explanation, therefore, is that China is claiming an EEZ from the nearby Spratly Islands. However, in July 2016, an International Arbitral Tribunal ruled that none of the Spratlys constituted full islands. They are all far too small and inhospitable to support human life for any length of time and therefore are not entitled to an EEZ.
However, that ruling is only binding for the country that brought forward the case, the Philippines, and the country it was brought against, China. For Vietnam and Malaysia to benefit from it, they would have to bring their own cases against China. This would not be too difficult. Vietnam’s lawyers could more-or-less copy the claim filed by Manila and simply replace the word ‘Philippines’ with ‘Vietnam’ or ‘Malaysia’. Exactly the same principles are at stake. So far, they have been unwilling to do so for fear of incurring Beijing’s wrath.
What China is currently doing in the South China Sea seems to be a clear violation of UNCLOS. The European Union has long argued that international rules and agreements are vital constituents of international peace. When they break down in one part of the world, they are weakened everywhere. If China continues to flout UNCLOS, then other countries may also decide to break the bonds of self-restraint that international law creates. The result, ultimately, would be a free-for-all where might beats right.
The current confrontations in the South China Sea are therefore something in which the EU should take an active interest. UNCLOS and its EEZ regime are cornerstones of international law. The EU needs to make clear that it supports the right of coastal countries to control the resources in their own EEZ. The EU should be able to distinguish a legitimate claim to maritime resources from an illegitimate one, and then orientate its policies accordingly.
While the deployment of naval ships gets a lot of attention, there are many other ways that the EU could help to protect the EEZ regime. It could require importers of fish, hydrocarbons or other marine products into the EU to prove that they were extracted lawfully. It could sanction companies and officials who violate other countries’ EEZs by poaching fish, drilling or exploring for oil and gas. It could use the power of satellites and other remote sensing systems to ‘name and shame’ violators. It can provide aid to coastguards and help coastal states improve their maritime domain awareness.
It could also think about deploying assets to defend the EEZ regime. Where a country, such as Vietnam or Malaysia, is engaged in a legitimate activity within its legitimate EEZ, the EU could post a coastguard or naval vessel to observe and publicise violations of international law. The ultimate step would be to intervene to prevent such violations, but we are some way from that. At the moment, the EU should use its reputation as a rule-builder to encourage the spread of good behaviour and sanction examples of bad behaviour.

Source: www.friendsofeurope.org/

Respect For Rule Of Law: Peace Top Priority In South China Sea Conundrum – OpEd

on Saturday, September 7, 2019 | 0 comments | Leave a comment...



The recent developments in the South China Sea (SCS), one of the busiest waterways in the world, are not only alarming but also have great potential to turn into a real war. If this happens, peace and stability will be shattered in Southeast Asia.

Since the beginning of July, a major country’s survey ship, escorted by armed maritime vessels, has illegally encroached on Vietnam’s legal exclusive economic zone (EEZ). The Philippines and Malaysia have also faced intimidation from the same power in the most disputed waters of the SCS.
Who is responsible for this situation? Is there any respect for rule of law? Is war the only solution to rising tensions in the SCS?

Before trying to find answers to these questions, we must understand the universally accepted 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), under which every maritime state is entitled to have a 200-nautical mile EEZ and a 12-nautical mile territorial sea or continental shelf.
With the exception of Taiwan, all the SCS claimants – China, Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines and Brunei – have signed the historic UNCLOS maritime treaty and ratified it a long time ago. Indonesia, the de facto leader of ASEAN, has also signed and ratified the treaty. The UNCLOS treaty prohibits the use of force or threat of using force in resolving maritime disputes.

In a clear violation of the rules of the UNCLOS, China claims more than 90 percent of the SCS based on its controversial Nine-Dash Line, which refers to an undefined, vaguely located demarcation line. Its claim, which is also based on so-called ‘historical rights’ not stated in international maritime rules, overlaps with island and maritime claims of Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and even Indonesia, a non-claimant state.

All of China’s claims based on the Nine-Dash Line and historical rights were rejected by the Hague-based Permanent Court of Arbitration in a 2016 ruling. But Beijing rejected this and went on to enforce its claim, according to the US, through unilateral, illegal and coercive actions.
China has illegally built artificial islands through reclamation and constructed military facilities on them. It has tried to obstruct fishing activities and the exploitation of natural resources of other claimant states in their legally entitled territories.

Violation of Vietnam’s EEZ

The latest incident, which occurred in the Vanguard Bank, clearly explains the nature of China’s actions. The Vanguard, located in Vietnam’s EEZ, is less than 200 nautical miles from Vietnam’s coast and is 600 nautical miles away from China’s maritime border. But China, based on its Nine-Dash Line, claims that Vanguard is in its EEZ.
Vietnam recently gave a contract to Russian state-owned company Rosneft to look for oil and gas in the Vanguard area. In an effort to block Vietnam’s oil exploration, China deployed the survey ship Haiyang Dizhi 8 and several heavily armed coastguard vessels.
Undaunted, Vietnam called for the immediate withdrawal of the Chinese vessels from the Vanguard area.
“Vietnam has had several appropriate diplomatic exchanges requesting immediate withdrawal from Vietnam’s exclusive economic zone,” Vietnam Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Le Thi Thu Hang said in Hanoi recently.
“Vietnam resolutely and persistently protects its sovereign rights by peaceful means on the basis of international laws,” she said.
This is not the first time China has done this. In 2017 and 2018, China forced Vietnam and Spanish oil firm Repsol to cease oil exploration activities in the area.
A Chinese ship recently rammed and sank an anchored Filipino fishing boat in the Recto Bank, 160 kilometers off the Philippine island of Palawan.
Hundreds of Chinese armed maritime vessels regularly and illegally operate in waters surrounding Pagasa Island (Thitu Island), which threatens the activities of local Filipino fishermen.
Manila has also issued a protest over the illegal passage of four Chinese warships and the aircraft carrier Liaoning through Philippine waters.
In May 2019, Chinese coastguard vessels were patrolling around the Luconia Shoals, which lie within the EEZ of Malaysia.

International condemnation

The US has lashed out at China for its provocative and unilateral actions.
“China’s reclamation and militarization of disputed outposts in the South China Sea, along with other efforts to assert its unlawful South China Sea maritime claims, including the use of maritime militia to intimidate, coerce and threaten other nations, undermine the peace and security of the region,” US State Department spokesperson Morgan Deann Ortagus told journalists recently in Washington.
Japan, the European Union, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and other countries have condemned China’s unilateral actions in the SCS and called for a rules-based order.
The well-respected International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) has also slammed China for violating the legal rights of Vietnam in the Vanguard area.
“This act has clearly violated the sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction of Vietnam as stated in UNCLOS 1982,” the IADL said in a statement recently.

“IADL requests that China promptly stop violating the sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction of Vietnam, stop carrying out activities that further complicate the situation and increase tension between related parties and begin to concentrate on building mutual trust to maintain the security, peace and stability in the South China Sea in particular and in the region in general”.
The IADL, established in 1946, is a nongovernmental organization with consultative status before the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC). It aims to support and uphold international law, more specifically to uphold the goals of the UN Charter to peacefully resolve disputes.

Despite international condemnation, bellicose Beijing has been conducting many illegal, coercive and provocative activities in the SCS. What can ASEAN and the international community do?
The first and foremost thing is to condemn China’s unilateral provocative actions that violate the international law regarding EEZs and continental shelves of SCS claimant countries from Southeast Asia.

The international community must put pressure on China to withdraw immediately its survey ship Haiyang Dizhi 8 and other vessels from Vanguard to reduce tensions. People were initially hopeful when China recently withdrew voluntarily from the Vanguard area. But the survey vessel returned to the exploration site on Aug.15, sending a strong signal that it would stay until the exploration stops.
It is unfortunate that there is no unity on the SCS conundrum among ASEAN states. Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines must try hard to forge a common perception among ASEAN states. Since ASEAN is a community, there should be solidarity among ASEAN nations on this troubling issue. A united ASEAN should be in the driving seat in all regional initiatives to maintain peace and stability in the region.

Despite its bullying behavior of small states, China is an important partner to ASEAN in many aspects. There is an urgent need for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) to reduce tensions and avoid conflict.
If there is peace, both ASEAN and China can prosper together. War is not the solution. It may take a long time to find a solution to the SCS disputes, but for the time being, we need an urgent Code of Conduct (COC) for all parties to reduce tensions. It was good that a joint draft of the COC was read by all parties recently, paving way for further negotiations. All we need is a legally binding, effective COC based on the 1982 UNCLOS and other international rules. There should also be freedom of navigation and overflight in SCS waters.

The IADL has asked all the claimants of the SCS, who are also signatories to the UNCLOS, to obey and respect international maritime rules.

“IADL urges related parties to resolve disputes by peaceful means on the basis of international laws to preserve peace, stability and security in the region,” said the IADL in its statement.
If there is no legal supremacy, small and weak parties will always lose and strong parties will benefit. If that happens, outside parties will enter into the fray and tensions will rise. This is not an option. Peace is the priority.

www.eurasiareview.com

Big Brother Bullying: China’s actions in the South China Sea are bound to lead to counter-mobilisation

on Friday, September 6, 2019 | 0 comments | Leave a comment...


There is no denying that the last few months have been extremely tense for the South China Sea (SCS) region. China has been undertaking what can only be described as unilateral, provocative manoeuvres that threaten regional peace and security. A Chinese survey ship Haiyang Dizhi 8 accompanied by Chinese coast guard vessels and often supported by Chinese military aircraft — including H-6K bombers — has not just traversed the contested waters but also intruded deep inside Vietnam’s 200 nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).

The Vanguard Bank Standoff: A New Tempest in the South China Sea and What It Represents

on Wednesday, September 4, 2019 | 0 comments | Leave a comment...




The standoff at Vanguard Bank demonstrates China’s increasing ability and willingness to disrupt legitimate maritime economic activities of other South China Sea claimants, as well as engage in unlawful survey activities in the continental shelf of its neighboring littoral states. While countries subjected to such actions generally seek to downplay such incidents and maintain dialogue with Beijing, constant recurrence may galvanize a stronger concerted pushback with possible ASEAN or even external support. It may also jeopardize ongoing Code of Conduct (COC) negotiations which had seen marked progress with the conclusion of the first reading of the single draft negotiating text last month.

Despite directly avoiding naming China, subtle change in the carefully-choreographed language of ASEAN statements suggest a growing unease over the South China Sea (SCS). In contrast to the recent 26th ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and 9th East Asia Summit (EAS) Chairman Statements, where SCS came only second in importance to the Korean Peninsula in regional and international issues, the Joint Communique of the 52nd ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting (AFMM) in Bangkok considered SCS a priority regional issue. Compared to the ARF and EAS statements, the AFMM statement went beyond expressing concern over “land reclamations and activities in the area” and added concern over “serious incidents in the area.” The debut appearance of the last phrase came after recent incidents, including the swarming of Chinese vessels in Philippines’ largest occupied feature in the Spratlys, Pag-Asa (Thitu) and the involvement of a Chinese ship in the sinking of a Filipino fishing boat in Recto (Reed) Bank last June. Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte called for the early conclusion of the COC to avoid accidents and misunderstandings that may heighten tensions in the contested sea.

The phrase: “serious incidents in the area” was absent in previous AFMM Joint Communiques. In 2015 at Kuala Lumpur, ASEAN took note of serious concerns expressed by some Foreign Ministers on “land reclamations.” In 2016 at Vientiane, concerns over “escalation of activities in the area” was added. In 2017 at Manila, concerns were raised over “land reclamations and activities in the area,” which was repeated in the AFMM statement in Singapore last year. The evolution of the wording illustrates ASEAN’s increasing worry over China’s actions and the ability of competing claimants to handle untoward maritime incidents. The 2017 and 2018 references can be seen as more subdued, but the 2018 citation signals renewed anxiety. As Hanoi hosts the ASEAN Chairmanship next year, it is likely that stronger wording may come about.

With the completion of its forward bases in SCS, the window for other claimants to unilaterally exploit the marine resources in their SCS frontage without succumbing to Chinese interference is diminishing. This may canalize their option to joint development, but the circumstances by which such agreements may come about generate worry about their equitability and implications on their respective claims and positions in the sea.

China’s actions also expose the failure of other claimants to protect offshore energy investors. The harassment of Filipino-British Forum Energy’s oil exploration activities in Recto Bank in 2011 and suspension of Spanish company Repsol’s work in Vanguard Bank last year due to Chinese interference are instructive. The force majeure in effect in Recto Bank since 2014 not only hinders Philippine efforts to address its burgeoning energy demands by tapping into local resources, but also show Manila’s tentativeness to bear risks consequent to unilateral drilling.

Apparently, China wishes to exclude non-claimants from ongoing COC talks. From the vantage point of the sea being the subject of a longstanding territorial and maritime row, there is merit to this. But the claimants, including Beijing, must also recognize the legitimate interests of other relevant states for access to maritime commons and to see the disputes peacefully resolved without duress. Future partnerships between Chinese state-owned energy giants and domestic energy players of other littoral states to explore and extract hydrocarbons in the sea is sensible, especially as Chinese firms have demonstrated financial and technological capability for deepwater operations. However, upending prior transactions entered into by other claimants with other foreign players will tarnish investor confidence in them. This may not bode well as fast developing ASEAN economies like Philippines and Vietnam race to attract more foreign capital to sustain growth.

Other foreign energy players may see their investments in SCS more from a strategic rather than commercial lens. This may have given Beijing valid cause for disquiet. China may buy out such foreign stakes and not a few may accept the offer just to avoid further political risks that may imperil their larger business interests in China, if any. However, coastal states, notably Vietnam, have been encouraging foreign energy companies, including those from Russia, U.S., Japan, India and other ASEAN neighbors, specifically to keep some distance from China. Possible complications may also arise if other bigger or state-backed investors refuse to budge.

At the moment, Beijing may bask in its ability to interrupt its neighbors’ maritime resource activities. But the tactical gains are fleeting, and the consequences may soon backfire on the sea’s biggest claimant. It is not in China’s interest for other claimants to take its interference and put pressure on other foreign energy firms as an affront to their sovereign choice to decide who to partner with in harnessing their seabed resources. This will only give common ground for ASEAN and other powers to push back against China’s exclusionary overtures. It may also rollback hard-earned positive momentum in COC negotiations.

www.chinausfocus.com

ASEAN emphasizes importance of non-militarization, self-restraint in South China Sea

on Wednesday, November 21, 2018 | 0 comments | Leave a comment...

   At the 33rd ASEAN Summit on 13 November 2018 in Singapore, heads of state/government of ASEAN member states reached consensus on further developing the ASEAN Community on three pillars, namely political-security, economic and socio-cultural, while emphasizing the importance of non-militarization and self-restraint in the conduct of all activities in the South China Sea.

7 documents adopted

The leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the full and effective implementation of the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 and the ASEAN Leaders' Vision for a Resilient and Innovative ASEAN. At the summit, they adopted 7 documents at the summit, including ASEAN Smart Cities Framework; ASEAN Declaration on Promoting Green Jobs for Equity and Inclusive Growth of ASEAN Community; ASEAN Enabling Masterplan 2025: Mainstreaming the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; ASEAN Joint Statement on Climate Change to the 24th Conference of the Parties (COP 24) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC); ASEAN Joint Statement to the Fourteenth Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity; ASEAN Declaration on the Adoption of the ASEAN Youth in Climate Action and Disaster Resilience Day; and Declaration on the Guidelines on Consular Assistance by ASEAN Member States' Missions in Third Countries to Nationals of Other ASEAN Member States.

ASEAN leaders underscored the importance of strengthening ASEAN Centrality and unity in the ASEAN Community-building efforts and engagement with the block's external partners. They reiterated their commitment to a rules-based regional architecture that is open, transparent and inclusive, building on ASEAN-led mechanisms including the ASEAN Plus One, ASEAN Plus Three (APT), East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and ASEAN Defense Ministers' Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus).
ASEAN leaders reaffirmed their shared commitment to maintaining and promoting peace, security and stability in the region, as well as to the peaceful resolution of disputes, including full respect for legal and diplomatic processes, without resorting to the threat or use of force, in accordance with the universally recognised principles of international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Nguyen Quoc Dung told reporters that leaders at the 33rd ASEAN Summit, summits between ASEAN and China, Japan, South Korea, the US, Russia, Australia, and India, the ASEAN Plus 3 meeting with China, Japan and South Korea, the East Asia Summit, and the meeting of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) member states adopted a total of 63 documents to lay a foundation for ASEAN cooperation and its collaboration with partner countries in the fields of politics, security, economy, and socio-culture in coming years.

COC negotiations to be concluded in next 3 years?

Regarding China's proposal to conclude the negotiations on a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (COC) within the next three years, the deputy minister said the negotiations need a favorable environment towards reaching a practical and effective COC in compliance with international law and the UNCLOS, making effective contributions to peace, stability and security in the region in general and in the sea in particular.
On November 15, after the conclusion of the 33rd ASEAN Summit, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had a bilateral meeting, reaffirming to maintain freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. "Both leaders also discussed issues pertaining to the disputed South China Sea, during which President Duterte stressed the Philippines' commitment to uphold the principles of freedom of navigation and overflight, freedom of commerce and other lawful activities, exercise of self-restraint, and the peaceful resolution of disputes,' stated Philippine presidential spokesperson Salvador Panelo.
On November 16, US Vice President Mike Pence on November 16 called on ASEAN to soon finalize an effective and binding COC.
Most of ASEAN partners have pledged to join hands in creating a favorable environment for dialogue, cooperation and trust building in a bid to turn the sea into a sea of peace, cooperation and development through the effective and practical negotiations on the COC based on international law, including UNCLOS. At the 33rd ASEAN Summit, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang also affirmed that China will continue working with ASEAN in completing the COC within the next three years and in fully implementing the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC), thus contributing to peace, stability, safety and freedom of navigation and aviation, and free trade in the sea.

ASEAN voices concern

However, ASEAN leaders voiced concern about the land reclamations and militarization in the South China Sea. "We discussed the matters relating to the South China Sea and took note of some concerns on the land reclamations and activities in the area, which have eroded trust and confidence, increased tensions and may undermine peace, security and stability in the region,' reads the Chairman's Statement of the 33rd ASEAN Summit
The ASEAN leaders reaffirmed the need to enhance mutual trust and confidence, exercise self-restraint in the conduct of activities and avoid actions that may further complicate the situation, and pursue peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with international law, including the UNCLOS. "We emphasised the importance of non-militarization and self-restraint in the conduct of all activities by claimants and all other states, including those mentioned in the DOC that could further complicate the situation and escalate tensions in the South China Sea,' the chairman's statement reads./.

New factors complicating South China Sea disputes

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China's continued reclamation and militarization in the South China Sea are undermining mutual trust and regional peace and stability, said experts.
The increasing deployment of drones and underwater unmanned vehicles to the South China Sea is further complicating the situation, while regulations on the use of such vehicles and a code of conduct for claimants remain absent.
Scholars attending a seminar on the South China Sea in Da Nang City, Vietnam, last week raised concern that increasing militarization and presence on the sea, under the seabed and in the air remain the biggest threat to the South China Sea. Such activities have been taking place at very fast pace. Dual facilities under the name of civilian works, such as meteorological stations, have also been expanded rapidly.
China's new moves raise concern
China's deployment of drones and underwater unmanned vehicles to the South China Sea to improve real-life combat ability, collect samples from the seabed and reconnaissance have raised concerns among neighbor nations. In particular, the increasing use of underwater unmanned vehicles to the South China Sea is fueling new legal debates. The lack of international standards in the use of such vehicles is likely to increase the risk of conflict in the future.
"In 2018, China continued to consolidate the infrastructure on its seven artificial islands and progressively militarize these features; it deployed electronic jamming equipment and installed surface to air and anti-ship missiles,' stated Professor Carlyle Thayer at the University of New South Wales.
Though the South China Sea has appeared to be quieter recently, various dangerous incidents raise risks of miscalculation. The U.S. Navy destroyer USS Decatur had to maneuver to avoid a collision on September 30 after a Chinese warship came within 45 yards of its bow as the American ship transited Gaven Reef of the Spratly. CCTV on September 29 reported that Chinese Navy deployed tens of fighters and bombers to join a live fire drill on the South China Sea. Experts expect that Chinese leaders may choose to raise tensions in the South China Sea again to distract domestic criticism from the trade war between the US and China.
The Philippines has quietly pivoted back to the US since Beijing has not exercised self-restraint despite President Rodrigo Duterte's efforts to show goodwill toward China.
China has recently opened weather observation stations on Fiery Cross, Subi and Mischief reefs in the Spratly. Jay Batongbacal, director of the University of the Philippines Institute for Maritime Affairs and Law of the Sea, did not think that the stations would be used to "provide public service' as China said. "Weather stations on military bases also serve the purpose of the military base,' he stated.
Effective COC should be concluded soon
Scholars agreed that the situation on the South China Sea demand China to give up excessive claims which violates international laws, including UNCLOS 1982, so as to narrow disputes, gradually solve disputes by peaceful means. China and Asean have attempted to negotiate the COC, but this process may take years to be finalized. China and Asean members drew up a Framework COC and then reached agreement on a Single Draft South China Sea Code of Conduct Negotiating Text.
Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies has recently brought together prominent experts on maritime law, international relations, and the marine environment to propose a blueprint for a South China Sea COC. Any proposal to manage the disputes needs goodwill of claimants to come into practice. Besides COC, Asean could also actively propose other initiatives for the sea, such as a code for unplanned encounters at sea or standards for treating plastic waste at sea, experts said.
Since certain countries have different interpretations of UNCLOS 1982 so as to avoid abiding the Arbitral Tribunal's decision, scholars suggest Asean to actively invite other countries to join dialogues in order to reach common interpretation and application of UNCLOS on the South China Sea as well as other regulations on freedom of navigation.
On 12 July 2016, the Arbitral Tribunal hearing the claims brought by the Philippines against China issued a unanimous Award that found against China. According to the ruling, there is no legal basis for China to claim historic rights to resources within the sea areas falling within "nine-dash line". Also according to the ruling, China violated its obligations to refrain from aggravating or extending the parties disputes during the pendency of the settlement process.
In their annual summit to be held in Singapore in mid-November, leaders of Asean countries and and China will touch upon developments in the South China Sea amid China's continued reclamation and militarization in the sea.
Asean leaders are expected to adopt a statement expressing concern over China's illegal activities in the South China Sea, because the activities, including the completion of artificial islands in the sea are undermining mutual trust and regional peace and stability, said experts./
(Souce: theusnews.com)

33rd ASEAN Summit, another opportunity for resolving disputes in the South China Sea?

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The forthcoming ASEAN Summit in Singapore

From 11-15 November 2018, Singapore will host the 33rd ASEAN Summit and related conferences. It is expected that there will be about 12 meetings of ASEAN leaders and between ASEAN and its partners (China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, United States, Russia, UN and invited guests such as EU, Canada, IMF, Chile ...). Approximately 60 instruments will be adopted or recognized, with a broad range of areas of ASEAN cooperation and those with Partners, as well as regional and international issues of common interest.
         Joint Steering Committee Meeting (15-16 October, 2018 in Singapore) in preparation for 33rd ASEAN Summit and related conferences 

The Partners are expected to actively participate in and contribute at conferences within the framework of the forthcoming 33rd ASEAN Summit, which will announce many new cooperative initiatives with ASEAN, as well as actively partake in discussions, together ASEAN, to build on issues that are affecting the security and stability of the region in order to strengthen cooperation in responding to the challenges posed. Naturally, security issues and cooperation at sea, especially in the South China Sea, are anticipated and expected the most.

The South China Sea issue

Regarding this, the current situation in the South China Sea has been subdued since the time of the arbitration (July 2016), but there are still many complex issues. It is the illegal construction and strengthening of artificial islands and military operations in the South China Sea.
There have been a number of proposals for peaceful resolution of disputes, including solutions to the use of conciliation mechanisms, arbitration mechanisms and open consultations in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of The Sea (The UNCLOS) in 1982. In spite of that, almost all of proposals noted that with the use of any dispute settlement mechanisms, parties should also strictly adhere to international law, including the PCA’s arbitration ruling on the South China Sea issue.
On the Chinese side, the basis for claiming sovereignty is not the current international law or even historical control over the South China Sea. In 2016, the arbitral tribunal, established in accordance with Annex VII of UNCLOS, concluded that China had no legal basis for asserting historic rights within the “nine – dash line” area. After a lengthy investigation, the Arbitration Tribunal also found that there is no evidence that China has historically exercised monopoly control over the waters or its resources. In preference, the Arbitration Tribunal found that much of China's maritime and commercial history in the South China Sea was simply the exercise of the freedom to operate in the current sea areas under international law. Furthermore, since none of the topsoil structures claimed by China- rocks in the Spratly Islands and Scarborough Shoal - are technically considered to be “islands” under UNCLOS by the arbitral tribunal, they are not the basis for making claims or maritime interests, such as exclusive economic zones.

China’s strategies

Alternatively, the “nine-dash line” derives from China's growing national interest in ensuring that its periphery and its access to significant trade routes. Like emerging imperial powers, China is facing up the challenge of linking its borders with greater ambition and a growing appetite for its resources and markets.
It is not just a coincidence that Beijing's blatant island-building campaign in the South China Sea began seriously in the same year China overtook the United States as the world's largest trading nation. Since 2013, the Asian Maritime Transparency Initiative has reported that China has dredged and built unprecedented artificial islands in the Spratly Islands, creating a new land of almost 1,300 hectare, along with significant expansion of its presence in the Paracel Islands. And Beijing now had to deal with an unsafe front.


China's expanding the construction of its facilities on Fiery Cross Reef. Provided by the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative (AMTI).
 
The only thing that ASEAN nations can do, should they really want to stand together against China, is to first try to facilitate developent on the individual countries’ economies and together progressively reduce their dependence upon Chinese products, markets, and aid. ASEAN should trim down competition between its members, escalate internal aid programs, and exchange technology and experiences. Only when each and every ASEAN nation is strong enough and really enjoys cooperation within the region, then can a common approach finally be acknowledged. But in the age of a booming ASEAN, there would no longer be a need to raise this hypersensitive issue against China. Seeing ASEAN growing stronger economically will coax China to behave moderately — to cooperate rather than launch the offensive in the South China Sea. This is the only peaceful and comprehensive solution to the conflict.
From this point of view, the Trump’s administration increasing FONOP in the South China Sea could yield results beyond the stated goals of maintaining international law and maritime transport. The US’s naval advantage and combat readiness can also be interpreted as a threat to China's failure to access foreign markets and energy supplies. In May 2018, the Chinese military launched a long-range bomber landing at Phu Lam Island in the South China Sea in the first time, further facilitating the deployment of Beijing's forces in the area that includes US pre-emptive positions.

         Speaking after the meeting with Japanese officials in Singapore on October 19, 2018, The US Secretary of Defence James Mattis said: "ASEAN and its partners need to work closely together and confirm the cooperation so that no single country could rewrite international regulations for this sea route, and that the United States would continue to operate campaigns in the air, at sea and wherever permitted by international law and national interests"

The peaceful mechanisms for resolving disputes?

The big question of policy is that to prevent China from silent militarization of the islands in the South China Sea, the United States needs an ally. The liberal maritime unions are expanding. The next step for China seeing that not only the United States wants to uphold freedom of navigation is the exercise of maritime patrols with allies. The sanctions imposed on companies involved in land reclamation are also one of the tools that can be taken into account. In terms of international law, the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) will not damage the United States, but it is unlikely. Encouraging states to follow the Philippines and bringing this issue to the International Court of Arbitration could be a beneficial step to force China and claimants to clarify their claims and the legal basis for such claims based on international law.
Meanwhile, the purpose of the COC is to modulate the conduct of the parties so there will be no clashes or shooting war in the South China Sea. The COC is not intended to resolve the merits of the South China Sea dispute. The South China Sea dispute involves territorial and maritime disputes. There is already a dispute settlement structure for the merits of the maritime dispute, and that is found in UNCLOS to which all disputant states in the South China Sea are parties. The merits of the dispute should continue to be administered primarily by the UNCLOS dispute settlement mechanism. Thus, the COC regulates the conduct of parties to the dispute, while UNCLOS settles the merits of the dispute among the parties. Although related, these are essentially two different issues.
On the whole, the principle of peaceful resolution of disputes is a fundamental principle of international law, forcing states to resort to peaceful and non-violent means of resolving national disputes. In the dispute settlement process in the South China Sea, countries are committed to peaceful settlement of disputes as well as expressing agreement on not complicating or expanding disputes. It is an international obligation that all parties must adhere to.
And all the media and international community are really expecting a good result, a good sign from the 33rd ASEAN Summit in Singapore, where challenge the central role of the organization itself as well. The test also assesses the degree of coherence and responsibility of regional countries with regard to common issues, particularly peace and stability in the South China Sea.

(Souce: hugpages.com)






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